Japanese Women History
Gender has been an important principle of stratification      throughout Japanese history, but the cultural elaboration of gender      differences has varied over time and among different social classes. In the      twelfth century (Heian period), for example, women could inherit property in      their own names and manage it by themselves. Later, under feudal governments      (the Shogunate), the status of women declined. Peasant women continued to      have de facto freedom of movement and decision making power, but upper-class      women's lives were subject to the patrilineal and patriarchal ideology      supported by the government as part of its efforts at social control. With      early industrialization, young women participated in factory work under      exploitive and unhealthy working conditions without gaining personal      autonomy. In the Meiji period, industrialization and urbanization lessened      the authority of fathers and husbands, but at the same time the Meiji Civil      Code denied women legal rights and subjugated them to the will of household      heads. Peasant women were less affected by the institutionalization of this      trend, but it gradually spread even to remote areas. In the 1930s and 1940s,      the government encouraged the formation of women's associations, applauded      high fertility, and regarded motherhood as a patriotic duty to the Japanese      Empire.
     
 After World War II, the legal position of women was redefined by the      occupation authorities, who included an equal rights clause in the 1947      Constitution and the revised Civil Code of 1948. Individual rights were      given precedence over obligation to family. Women as well as men were      guaranteed the right to choose spouses and occupations, to inherit and own      property in their own names, to initiate divorce, and to retain custody of      their children. Women were given the right to vote in 1946. Other postwar      reforms opened education institutions to women and required that women      receive equal pay for equal work. In 1986 the Equal Employment Opportunity      Law took effect. Legally, few barriers to women's equal participation in the      life of society remain.
Japan Women - Education and workforce participation
Gender inequality, however, continues in family life, the      workplace, and popular values. The notion expressed in the proverbial phrase      "good wife, wise mother," continues to influence beliefs about gender roles.      Most women may not be able to realize that ideal, but many believe that it      is in their own, their children's, and society's best interests that they      stay home to devote themselves to their children, at least while the      children were young. Many women find satisfaction in family life and in the      accomplishments of their children, gaining a sense of fulfilment from doing      good jobs as household managers and mothers. In most households, women are      responsible for their family budgets and make independent decisions about      the education, careers, and life-styles of their families. Women also take      the social blame for problems of family members.
 Women's educational opportunities have increased in the twentieth century.      Among new workers in 1989, 37 % of women had received education beyond      upper-secondary school, compared with 43 % of men, but most women had      received their postsecondary education in junior colleges and technical      schools rather than in universities and graduate schools (see Education in      Japan).
 In 1990 approximately 50 % of all women over fifteen years of age      participated in the paid labor force. At that time, two major changes in the      female work force were under way. The first was a move away from      household-based employment. Peasant women and those from merchant and      artisan families had always worked. With self-employment becoming less      common, though, the more usual pattern was separation of home and workplace,      creating new problems of child care, care of the elderly, and housekeeping      responsibilities. The second major change was the increased participation of      married women in the labor force. In the 1950s, most women employees were      young and single; 62 % of the female labor force in 1960 had never been      married. In 1987 about 66 % of the female labor force was married, and only      23 % was made up women who had never married. Some women continued working      after marriage, most often in professional and government jobs, but their      numbers were small. Others started their own businesses or took over family      businesses. More commonly, women left paid labor after marriage, then      returned after their youngest children were in school. These middle-age      recruits generally took low-paying, part-time service or factory jobs. They      continued to have nearly total responsibility for home and children and      often justified their employment as an extension of their responsibilities      for the care of their families. Despite legal support for equality and some      improvement in their status, married women understood that their husbands'      jobs demanded long hours and extreme commitment. Because women earned an      average of only 60 % as much as men, most did not find it advantageous to      take full-time, responsible jobs after marriage, if doing so left no one to      manage the household and care for children.
 Yet women's status in the labor force was changing in the late 1980s, most      likely as a result of changes brought about by the aging of the population      (see Elderly people in Japan). Longer life expectancies, smaller families      and bunched births, and lowered expectations of being cared for in old age      by their children have all led women to participate more fully in the labor      force. At the same time, service job opportunities in the post-industrial      economy expanded, and there were fewer new male graduates to fill them.
 Some of the same demographic factors—low birth rates and high life      expectancies—also change workplace demands on husbands. For example, men      recognize their need for a different kind of relationship with their wives      in anticipation of long postretirement periods.
Japanese Women in the Workforce
After World War II, the fixed image of the Japanese woman      has been that of the office lady, who becomes a housewife and a kyoiku mama      after marriage. But a new generation of educated women is emerging, that is      seeking a career as a working woman.
 Japanese women are joining the labor force in unprecedented numbers. In 1987      there were 24.3 million working women (40% of the labor force), and they      accounted for 59% of the increase in employment from 1975 to 1987. The      participation rate for women in the labor force (the ratio of those working      to all women aged fifteen and older) rose from 45.7% in 1975 to 50.6% in      1991 and was expected to reach 50% by 2000.
 The growing participation of women reflected both supply and demand factors.      Industries such as wholesaling, retailing, banking, and insurance have      expanded, in large part because of the effective use of women as part-time      employees.
 There is a new term for the female counterpart of the "salaryman" (サラリーマン),      the "career woman" (キャリアウーマン).
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